Promoting peace, human rights and democracy in Indonesia
111 Northwood Road, Thornton Heath, Surrey, CR7 8HW
Tel: +44 (0)20 8771 2904/+44 (0)1420 80153 Fax: +44 (0)20 8653 0322
Email: tapol@gn.apc.org
|
Promoting peace, human rights and democracy in Indonesia |
| Home | Elections | News | Press | Reports | Bulletin | Publications | About | Links |
Contents:
East Timor Leader Says Voters Will Judge Former Indonesian Military Strongman [7 July]
East Timor's President Jose Ramos-Horta says it is up to Indonesian voters to judge a former army commander who hopes to become vice president in Wednesday's elections. Human rights groups accuse Prabowo Subianto of orchestrating atrocities in both East Timor and Indonesia. [full story…]
Usman Hamid/Suciawati: The past is not forgotten and will never be forgotten [7 July]
Listening to the presidential candidates in the last debate, it was clear that their concerted appeal was that it was time for Indonesia to move on from the past. Their commercials show prosperous farmers, educated children and Indonesians climbing bright green hills. But there are some images you won't see in the commercials. In the last few days the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) has toured Java with a remarkable group of people affected by past crimes and has met with local communities affected by the continuing violation of their rights. [full story…]
Indonesia's Papua remains a flashpoint ahead of poll [7 July]
The bloody insurgency in the Indonesian province of Aceh may have been resolved on his watch, but simmering unrest in Papua remains a blot on the record of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono as he seeks a second term. [full story…]
Also: Morning Star flag flown in Papua during election [9 July] [full story…]
KPU Claims Arson at KPUD Building In Papua Sparked by April Poll Grievance [11 July] [full story…]
AHRC - INDONESIA: Military Elections? [7 July]
Indonesia's Presidential election goes into its first round on July 8, 2009. This second election process in Post-Suharto Indonesia is an important step in the countries short democratic history, yet it remains flawed with shadows of the countries past military rule. Two of the three presidential candidates have made a very careless choice by nominating former military leaders from the Suharto regime to run as their vice presidential running mates. [full story…]
Also: Forum-Asia - Indonesia must not allow human rights violators in its next government! [3 July] [full story…]
A Normal, Minimal-Choice Election [8 July]
The International Herald Tribune headlined it "A Proudly Normal Election", and it was -- a minimal-choice election, as normally happens in most countries. This election was a de facto choice among three mass-killing Suharto generals -- each of them old US proteges -- one of whom actually embodied the specter of something like fascist dictatorship, and people voted for the smoothest, least frightening general, the incumbent, Gen. Susilo. But it was impossible to vote for the poor or against killing civilians, because none of the candidates stood for anything like that: these were candidates of the rich, and of murder. [full story…]
SBY-Boediono Take Huge Lead in Election: KPU [8 July]
A quick count by the General Elections Commission (KPU) on Wednesday evening showed incumbent President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and running mate Boediono have a commanding lead in the presidential election, securing 60.72 percent of votes. [full story…]
Also: Newsmaker-Yudhoyono to get new shot at reforming Indonesia [8 July] [full story…]
Indonesia May Achieve ‘Superstar’ Growth as Yudhoyono Triumphs [9 July] [full story…]
Indonesia: An ‘in-danger’ state? [9 July]
Foreign Policy magazine just released its 2009 Failed States Index (FSI) in its July/August edition. Unsurprisingly, Indonesia is still listed in the second “worst” category — titled the “in-danger” list. It remains important to examine more deeply what went wrong and who is to blame for the “in-danger” status, especially as Indonesians have the chance to change this reputation in the presidential election. [full story…]
New Order Influence Unlikely to Fade [10 July]
Despite predictions that the current crop of political parties will seek young, fresh politicians untainted by the New Order regime to run in the next presidential election, analysts say the sentiment may amount to little more than wishful thinking. [full story…]
Also: SBY's Victory Unfavorable For Aceh, NGO Says [11 July] [full story…]
A Grateful SBY Salutes People of ‘New Era’ Aceh [6 August] [full story…]
Golkar Can't Be Written Off Just Yet [13 July]
WELFARE Minister Aburizal Bakrie is almost certain to take over the chairmanship of Golkar from defeated presidential candidate and Vice-President Jusuf Kalla. Mr Bakrie has ambitious plans to revive the former ruling party. [full story…]
PDI-P In Need Of Fresh New Leader [13 July]
Party stalwarts and political analysts agree now is the right time for the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) to conduct a serious evaluation of its internal management. The evaluation will include grooming new potential leaders to replace chairwoman Megawati Soekarnowati following a series of election losses. [full story…]
JP Editorial : Lame duck House [5 August]
The outgoing 2004-2009 House of Representatives has largely been criticized for its underperformance and the corrupt behavior of its members. Now that parliament members have less than three months before they end their five-year term in late September, what can we expect from an institution with a tarnished image? Can they meet their initial target and promises to pass a number of key bills? [full story…]
Human Rights Watch: President’s New Term Should Focus on Human Rights [6 August]
Indonesia's recently re-elected president, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, should undertake comprehensive measures to address persistent human rights problems, Human Rights Watch said in a letter today. In the letter, Human Rights Watch makes specific recommendations on the issues of corruption, military business, impunity, religious freedom, freedom of expression, the situation in Papua, and child domestic workers. [full story…]
KPU Prepares Final House Seat Distribution [10 August]
The General Elections Commission will meet later this week to prepare for the final stage of the seat distribution in the House of Representatives according to the results of the April legislative election. [full story…]
Candidates fail to address autonomy `seriously'
The Jakarta Post
Sat, 07/04/2009 12:59 PM
Erwida Maulia
They may support pluralism and national unity, but the three presidential candidates missed the chance to address more crucial issues on the immature and still troublesome regional autonomy.
During the final presidential debate on Thursday, the candidates barely touched on key issues such as fiscal decentralization, deconcentration and assisting functions of regions, and power-sharing between the three levels of government.
These issues are deemed the heart of problems in regional autonomy implementation, observers say.
Counterproductive bylaws and the looming threat of a full-fledged independence movement in Papua only glossed over.
As were other issues, such as budgetary planning, the unequal development of western and eastern Indonesia, and regional health and education services.
Shortly after President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Vice President Jusuf Kalla and former president Megawati Soekarnoputri appeared in the final debate, members of the Working Group on Regional Autonomy - comprising autonomy watchdogs - discussed the issue.
Novi Anggraini, from the Regional Administrations Innovations Institution (YIPD), said it was understandable the candidates could not address the issues comprehensively due to the limited time.
"But they could have incorporated important issues like financial decentralization during their *seven-minute* vision-mission presentation, or when answering the questions," she pointed out.
Of six questions asked by the moderator, only two were closely related to regional autonomy issues: the continuation of regional autonomy, and the necessity for direct elections of regional heads.
Agung Pamudi, from the Monitoring Committee on the Implementation of Regional Autonomy (KPPOD), said it was "interesting" that the candidates, particularly Megawati and Yudhoyono, had reiterated the need to uphold the country's philosophy of Pancasila as the uniting factor in the vastly diverse archipelago.
Cecep Effendi, from the Germany-funded Deutsche Gesellschaft fur Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ), concurred, saying it was good that all candidates had agreed they had to safeguard the country's diversity.
"The issue *on the threat of disintegration* in Papua, although touched on by the moderator, wasn't addressed seriously by the candidates," he said.
"This should have been a major concern; Papua could be the second Timor Leste."
Agung regretted that fiscal decentralization and regional budgetary planning was not discussed at all.
"This is despite problems of human resources incapability in regions to manage their money, resulting in unused funds of up to Rp 45 trillion *US$4.5 billion* every year since 2004; before that it touched Rp 90 trillion," he said.
YIPD executive director Alit Merthayasa said problems surrounding distribution of authority between the central, provincial and regency or municipal administrations should have been addressed.
"We know this is an unresolved problem; and regional administrations continually seek the central government's assistance *to handle their duties*," Alit said.
The coalition of 43 NGOs said the three hopefuls had failed to address problems over the mass exploitation of natural resources as it impacted regional autonomy.
"Such exploitation has triggered environmental snags, causing an increase in natural disasters," Oslan Purba, from the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), said Friday.
The coalition said the implementation of regional autonomy had contributed to the increase in illegal logging, environmental damage and human rights violations.
--------------------------------
East Timor Leader Says Voters Will Judge Former Indonesian Military Strongman
Sydney
07 July 2009
Phil Mercer
East Timor's President Jose Ramos-Horta says it is up to Indonesian voters to judge a former army commander who hopes to become vice president in Wednesday's elections. Human rights groups accuse Prabowo Subianto of orchestrating atrocities in both East Timor and Indonesia.
Human rights organizations allege that soldiers under Prabowo Subianto's command murdered and kidnapped opponents and dissidents in both East Timor and Jakarta.
He served several tours of duty in East Timor, where Indonesian forces were accused of war crimes, including rape, torture and murder.
He also has links to the former dictator, President Suharto, and went into exile when that government fell in the late 1990s.
The former army chief has strongly denied any wrongdoing. His reinvention as a politician has been bankrolled by his brother, a wealthy businessman.
In Wednesday's presidential elections, Prabowo Subianto is the running mate of Megawati Sukarnoputri, who served as Indonesian leader between 2001 and 2004.
In East Timor, which seceded from Indonesia after a bloody vote for independence a decade ago, President Jose Ramos-Horta says it is up to Indonesians to judge Prabowo Subianto at the ballot box.
"It is Prabowo and the Indonesia people who have to deal with each other for Prabowo's role in the violence in Indonesia but it is their sovereign right, their responsibility, their choice," he said.
Under President Suharto, Indonesia's military was powerful and unchecked in its efforts to halt separatist movements in several parts of the country. In East Timor, which Indonesia annexed in 1976, the military fought an insurgency for two decades, and in the weeks surrounding the country's 1999 vote for independence, soldiers and anti-independence militias ran wild, burning buildings and attacking civilians.
Despite the efforts of human rights groups, no senior military officials have been held responsible for the violence.
About 170 million registered voters in the world's most populous Muslim country will choose among three candidates in Wednesday's election; President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, his Vice President Jusuf Kalla, and former President Megawati Sukarnoputri.
--------------------------------------
The past is not forgotten and will never be forgotten
The Jakarta Post
7 Juli 2009
Usman Hamid dan Suciwati
Listening to the presidential candidates in the last debate, it was clear that their concerted appeal was that it was time for Indonesia to move on from the past.
Megawati presented herself as an example of forgiveness, while Jusuf Kalla and SBY focused more on reconciliation than accountability.
Their commercials show prosperous farmers, educated children and Indonesians climbing bright green hills. But there are some images you won't see in the commercials. In the last few days the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) has toured Java with a remarkable group of people affected by past crimes and has met with local communities affected by the continuing violation of their rights.
The writer William Faulkner once said that the past is not forgotten, and, in fact, it is not even the past. For those of us on the Kontras tour — a daughter whose father disappeared during the 1984 Tanjung Priok riot, a mother whose son disappeared one day in 1997/1998, another whose son was killed by sniper fire at a protest, a young mother whose husband was poisoned on an airline trip abroad — the past is something we live with everyday.
And so it is for the rest of Indonesia as well, for two reasons. On our trip, we met communities whose health and livelihood may be threatened by cement factories and mines, and others made homeless by a disastrous mudflow.
They are victims of the same fundamental problems as the victims of past abuses: Weak institutions that cannot protect people's rights and a resulting impunity for those responsible for negligence, arbitrary actions, or even serious crimes. And many future policies such as poverty reduction, agrarian reform, environmental protection, and economic development as a whole, are likely to be affected by the same patterns of abuse and impunity.
There is a second reason that these crimes should be a concern for all candidates, and for all voters. When people and governments are not held accountable for their actions, it changes the relationship between citizens and their leaders. Such a condition creates a climate of fear, exposes government critics to intimidation, and undermines confidence in the state to provide justice and protection.
For all these reasons we need leaders willing to address the past head on. We need policies to strengthen the capacity and independence of the courts, the Attorney General's Office, and the National Human Rights Commission.
We need leaders with the political will to see that justice is done, through an appropriate combination of prosecutions and extra judicial mechanisms of truth, reconciliation and redress. These measures must include military and other institutional reform.
As a non-partisan organization, Kontras does not endorse any candidate. Unfortunately, this is all too easy, as all three candidates haven't shown a clear commitment to justice for past crimes. And as important as these policies are, the current election is about more than policies.
Even a non-partisan organization cannot ignore the fact that among the vice-presidential candidates are two men credibly linked to major human rights abuses.
The fact that they are candidates says as much about Indonesian society as it does about the individuals or the parties that put them forward as candidates.
It is unlikely that such figures would be credible candidates for a national office in a country that had made full and accurate accounting of the past.
Elections provide citizens with an opportunity to reassert their aspirations for the future and their relationship with their leaders. It is where ordinary citizens can hold those in power accountable by awarding them a vote or choosing not to.
Whatever the outcome of the elections, our elected leaders, including those in parliament, have a lot of work to do. And so do the rest of us: if the nation is to move forward, we must address, and learn from, the past that all Indonesians still live with today.
The writers are members of the Committee of Action and Solidarity for Munir (KASUM) founded in 2004 in response to the assassination of human rights activist Munir Said Thalib on Sept. 7, 2004.
---------------------------------------------------
Indonesia's Papua remains a flashpoint ahead of poll
Reuters
Olivia Rondonuwu
JAKARTA, July 7 (Reuters) - The bloody insurgency in the Indonesian province of Aceh may have been resolved on his watch, but simmering unrest in Papua remains a blot on the record of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono as he seeks a second term.
Parliamentary elections in April went relatively smoothly across the vast archipelago, except in Papua, where a series of attacks were blamed by authorities on separatists.
Now, as the country prepares to vote for its next president on Wednesday, additional special forces are on alert in the far-flung former Dutch colony.
Yudhoyono, who is widely expected to win a second term, has claimed credit on the campaign trail for the stability he has brought to Indonesia. However, little has been achieved in Papua despite a special autonomy agreement that was struck in 2001.
"Papua should be a priority for the Indonesian government," said Ed Aspinall, an expert on Indonesian politics and regional conflict at the Australian National University.
"It's a long-running, unresolved problem and it has the potential to drag on for many, many years and erupt and re-erupt," said Aspinall, adding that Jakarta's elite had allowed the conflict to fester because it was "at a manageable level."
Indonesia took over Papua in 1969 from Dutch colonial rule, following a vote by community leaders which was widely criticised as flawed. A low-level armed insurgency has meant the Indonesian military has kept a tight rein on the area ever since.
At least 100 extra police were sent to Papua after a mob attacked a police post with bows and arrows and petrol bombs in the run-up to April's vote. A university campus was also set alight and unexploded bombs were found, evidence, the authorities said, of a coordinated plan to disrupt the election.
Yudhoyono has promised to end conflict in Papua and speed up development, but critics say rights abuses continue.
The resource-rich province is home to the Grasberg mine, which is operated by Freeport-McMoRan Copper and Gold Inc <FCX.N> of the United States. The mine has the world's largest recoverable copper reserves and largest gold reserves.
Papua's deputy governor said many Papuans felt aggrieved because development in the province lagged the rest of Indonesia.
"The core issue, if we look closely, is welfare," said Alex Hesegem. "Jakarta has one understanding about special autonomy, the government in Papua has a different understanding."
While poverty has decreased across most of Indonesia, the most recent data from the statistics agency showed that around 40 percent of Papuans lived below the poverty line in 2007.
After successfully brokering peace in Aceh, where a three-decade civil war was halted in 2005, Yudhoyono's administration has made overtures to Papua separatists.
In March, Jakarta allowed a separatist leader to return from exile for talks. But the visit by Nicolas Jouwe, a founder of the Free Papua Movement (OPM), may have been a miscalculation and appeared to sharpen divisions in the separatist movement.
The human rights record of Indonesia has also been hurt by persistent allegations of abuses by the military in Papua.
Recent reports by the U.S.-based Human Rights Watch alleged cases of political prisoners being tortured and also accused members of an elite military unit of routinely abusing civilians.
Amnesty International has also urged Indonesia to investigate allegations of excessive use of force by police in Papua and called for the release of protesters jailed for raising the banned Morning Star flag, a symbol of the secessionist OPM.
The Indonesian government has previously responded to the allegations by saying it was not aware of abuses in Papua, although the foreign ministry said in June that accusations of abuses in prison would be investigated. (Writing by Sunanda Creagh and Ed Davies; Editing by John Chalmers)
------------------------------------------
Morning Star flag flown during election
Cenderawasih Pos
9 July 2009
Abridged in translation by TAPOL
The presidential election on 8 July saw Morning Star flags being flown in a number of places in Jayapura and elsewhere in Papua. Jayapura chief of police confirmed the reports.
A flag was flown on Theys Hijo Eluay's grave and stayed aloft for three hours. The paper describes the action as being by people just trying to draw attention and 'with nothing better to do'.
Police responded to reports that the flag was flying in Abepura and went there to pull it down. The police chief Bagus Ekodanto said the case was being investigated.
In Timika a bus station for Freeport employees and a security post (satpam) near the company were burned down. According to Ekodanto, the people involved had intended to fly a flag near Mile 71 Timika. When the police were informed, they went to the place and discovered that the two places had been burned.
Another incident occurred in Wamena where a chauffeur from East Java was found dead. Three women were in the car with the victim (though apparently not injured.
The police chief denied that this incident was connected with the attacks on Freeport bus station or were attempts to thwart the
presidential election.
Morning Star flags were also flown in the district of Yapen. Two police officers who went to the location to remove the flags were attacked by a group of unidentified people and quickly fled the area, leaving behind the motorcycle they used. Ekodanto confirmed reports about the flags in Yapen but admitted they did not know who was responsible.
Another incident occurred in Wamena where a group tried to burn down the airport waiting room. Meanwhile, two flags were flown in the town of Wamena. While admitting that these incidents were aimed at thwarting the election, he also said conditions general were 'conducive' [a term frequently used by the authorities in Papua to suggest that nothing serious has happened.]
The chairman of Dewan Adat, Forkorus Yomboisembut said flying flags at election time was nothing unusual. He wondered whether these actions were provocations by those in authority, perhaps trying to gain something in their own interest.. 'Unfurling flags in heavily populated places in cities could be the work of provocateurs, he said.
------------------------------------------
KPU Claims Arson at KPUD Building In Papua Sparked by April Poll Grievance
The Jakarta Globe
July 11, 2009
Markus Junianto Sihaloho & Farouk Arnaz
The General Elections Commission has said that the torching of one of its buildings in Tolikara district, Papua, on Friday was related to a dispute over the results of the legislative elections in April and had nothing to do with Wednesday’s presidential poll.
I Gusti Putu Artha, a member of the national commission, also known as the KPU, told reporters in Jakarta that about 20 protesters from the so-called Alliance of Minor Parties set fire to the offices of Tolikara General Elections Commission (KPUD).
He said they were protesting the results of the April polls, which they called unfair. Twenty-six of the 30 seats on the Tolikara Legislative Council (DPRD) were won by Golkar candidates.
“The incident was related not to the presidential election process, but rather the April legislative elections,” he said.
Putu said the Tolikara Police had launched an investigation into the case.
“There was no one hurt during the incident,” he said. “But I want to stress once again that it had nothing to do with the presidential election process.”
Separately, National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Nanan Soekarna told a news conference that five suspects wanted in connection with the blaze had surrendered to police a few hours after the incident, adding that police were still trying to determine the attackers’ motives.
“This group was lead by YQ and WQ, who were among those who surrendered,” he said, referring to the suspects by their initials. “It’s unusual that they set fire to the building and then surrendered.”
The Tolikara arson case is the latest political crime to occur in Papua since the presidential election. On Wednesday, four men were arrested in connection with attacks on polling stations in Yapen Waropen and Timika districts on the eve of the presidential vote.
Just prior to polls opening, an unidentified person set fire to a broken-down bus belonging to PT Freeport Indonesia near the company’s massive mine.
KPU Chairman Abdul Hafiz Anshary said that based on his observations, security incidents in Papua were never tied solely to the electoral process itself.
“It is usually about larger efforts by some group that capitalize on the momentum of the voting day or the election process,” he said.
------------------------------------------
A Statement by the Asian Human Rights Commission
INDONESIA: Military Elections?
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
AHRC-STM-153-2009
July 7, 2009
Indonesia's Presidential election goes into its first round on July 8, 2009. This second election process in Post-Suharto Indonesia is an important step in the countries short democratic history, yet it remains flawed with shadows of the countries past military rule. Two of the three presidential candidates have made a very careless choice by nominating former military leaders from the Suharto regime to run as their vice presidential running mates.
Presidential candidate Megawati Sukarnoputri, the daughter of Indonesia's first President Sukarno is running for office with Prabowo Subianto as the candidate for the vice president's office. Under Suharto's New Order regime, Prabowo served as head of Kopassus, the Army Special Forces Command. This special unit conducted unconventional warfare, counter-insurgency operations and is known for its numerous human rights atrocities, in particular during Prabowo's reign of the Kopassus forces. A military court found him guilty for his role in the disappearances of student protestors during the 1998 civil uprising. Prabowo continues to benefit from old business, family and military ties.
Presidential candidate Yusuf Kalla from the Golkar Party decided to run with retired General Wiranto as his vice presidential candidate. Wiranto is accused of committing crimes against humanity in East Timor. He served his indictment in East Timor after the Serious Crimes Unit under the UN Transitional Authority in East Timor had gathered evidence of the atrocities that took place under his command.
Military rule in Indonesia was overthrown by the 1998 uprising. Yet, how much has the country overcome impunity and military elitist rule since then? Certainly a large share of political decisions and executive orders are in the hands of democratically elected persons, but if major violators of human rights such as Prabowo or Wiranto remain not only unpunished and are allowed to run for top political positions, the strength of the rule of law is questionable.
Most countries make clean criminal records a precondition to run for political office. In Indonesia's case, it is not only ordinary crimes that speak against the candidature, but human rights atrocities and crimes against humanity. When military rulers can be elected for civil offices to help rule a country from the top level of the government while the country suffers from impunity and ongoing military violence, then civil rights in Indonesia hang on a thread.
A civil democracy remains illusive and so does the respect for human rights and victims rights to remedies. In face of this, Indonesia still has a long way to go until it can be recognized as a country that has overcome its past. Until then military influence remains a major factor in internal politics. Indonesia is not at war with any country, but with its many citizens. The last response this situation requires is the reestablishment of military careerists to extend kratocracy in Indonesia.
The AHRC is of the view that credible investigations of all allegations of criminal involvement of presidential candidates and vice presidential candidates are unavoidable in Indonesia. Permitting actors such as Prabowo or Wiranto to take part in high ranking government posts can be considered not only as a constitutional shortcoming, but also as an attack on civil rule in one of the world’s largest democracies.
About AHRC: The Asian Human Rights Commission is a regional non-governmental organisation monitoring and lobbying human rights issues in Asia. The Hong Kong-based group was founded in 1984.
-----------------------------------------------
The Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) is gravely alarmed that gross human rights violators with well-documented cases are the candidates for the second direct presidential election in Indonesia on 8 July 2009. If this is the case, it would be quite unlikely that the agenda to fight impunity become a priority in the next administration’s plan as the government would then be led by human rights violators, said FORUM-ASIA today.
FORUM-ASIA is referring to the three candidates who are reputedly poor promoters and protectors of human rights who are currently three pair candidates for Indonesian presidents for the period 2009 to 2014.
Prabowo Subianto, the candidate of vice president for Megawati Sukarnoputri, was commander of Indonesia's special force unit Kopassus from 1995 to 1998. He has admitted the responsibility for the kidnap and torture of pro-democracy activists by Kopassus, under his command in the late 1990s. He was also responsible for the brutal actions in Timor Leste under Indonesia occupation, which include torture, kidnapping and killings of independence supporters.
Wiranto, vice-presidential candidate for Jusuf Kalla, was commander of Indonesia's military during the turbulent period of 1998 and 1999, when Suharto was pushed from power by widespread demonstrations and elite disenchantment with his rule.Wiranto was indicted by a United Nation Special Crime Unit District Court of Dili, Timor Leste for committing crimes against humanity over the bloodshed that occurred during a 1999 independence vote in Timor Leste.
Both candidates have told the Indonesian and international community that they should be allowed to move on as they had gone through the necessary legal process. However, FORUM-ASIA believes that those responsible for past abuses must be held accountable. No Indonesian general has been successfully prosecuted for human rights abuse since the fall of Suharto in 1998.
The organization expressed its concerns that should either of these candidates assume office, their past crimes will obstruct the administration’s ability to resolve human rights violation cases committed by Indonesia’s security forces and hinder the important reforms of military and police forces in Indonesia.
Under the current administration of Yudhoyono, a retired general, the government had turned a blind eye to various abuses, including that of political prisoners in Papua. It also fell short in providing full compensation for victims of the man-made disaster ‘Lapindo’ toxic mud in East Java and failed to resolve the assassination case of human rights activist, Munir Said bin Thalib.
FORUM-ASIA calls for international community and Indonesian citizens to continue to remember the past human rights violations committed by these candidates of presidential elections and hold them accountable for their human rights violations. With the current role of Indonesia as the vice president of the United Nation Human Rights Council, FORUM-ASIA urges the next administration of Indonesian government to make serious efforts to comply with the recommendation from the Universal Periodic Review in June 2008 which calls for an end to impunity to be made as a priority issue.
FORUM-ASIA is a regional human rights organization with 42 members across Asia.
For more information, please contact:
Ms. Yuyun Wahyuningrum, East Asia Program Manager of the Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) at +66 879914451, or at yuyun@forum-asia.org
Ms. Gayoon Baek, East Asia Program Officer, FORUM-ASIA, at +66 85056 6548, or at gayoon@forum-asia.org
-----------------------------------------------
A Normal, Minimal-Choice Election
News and Comment
www.allannairn.com
July 8, 2009
Allan Nairn
The International Herald Tribune headlined it "A Proudly Normal Election" in Indonesia, and it was -- a minimal-choice election, as normally happens in most countries (Jacob Ramsay, "A Proudly Normal Election, " International Herald Tribune, July 8, 2009).
This election was a de facto choice among three mass-killing Suharto generals -- each of them old US proteges -- one of whom actually embodied the specter of something like fascist dictatorship, and people voted for the smoothest, least frightening general, the incumbent, Gen. Susilo.
But it was impossible on the ballot to vote for the poor or to vote against killing civilians, because none of the candidates, pre-screened by the establishment, stood for anything like that: these were candidates of the rich, and of murder.
Gen. Susilo had most of the army and most of the rich people behind him, so he had most of the media propaganda and also most of the campaign money.
In Indonesia a lot of poor people like the election season because they get direct cash bribes. Party messengers come to their homes and give each family several dollars, and this time everyone I met said Gen. Susilo's footmen gave the most money.
Beyond that, his two rivals were repulsive to many people. They selected as their running mates the two most hated generals in the country. One, Gen. Prabowo, has a neo-fascist style and made his name as a hands-on torturer and as Suharto's son-in-law, and the other, Gen. Wiranto, saved the army in 1998 when he threatened a Tienanmen-style massacre of demonstrators if they challenged the army after toppling Suharto.
So compared to those two, Gen. Susilo seemed less bloodthirsty, even though he's been high in the chain of command for some of the country's most famous massacres, including Jakarta '96, occupied East Timor '99, Aceh in the early 2000s, and as President he's backed nationwide police torture and army torture and murder in sealed-off Papua, and has a practice of arresting people who insult him or who hoist local independence flags. Economically, Gen. Susilo broke the law and canceled severance
pay for workers, and hunger and diarrhea have been increasing nationwide, especially in Nusatenggara in eastern Indonesia.
But he's done all that smoothly. He's seen as smart, and he gets lots of foreign money. The US and investors like him because he does the necessary killing and holds down wages discreetly -- without bragging about it -- and he lets them take minerals and forests and labor while demanding smaller bribes than Suharto.
And at the same time he's made life better for city elites, lots of condos and spectacular malls. If you have money, life in Jakarta can be Valhalla. That gets him good press coverage.
But if you're poor, police thugs will come and bulldoze your home to put up those fancy condos, and your chances of working, eating, or putting your kid through primary school are the same or worse than before Susilo.
So the Herald Tribune is right, this was a normal election. There was voting but there wasn't much choice.
-------------------------------------
SBY-Boediono Take Huge Lead in Election: KPU
The Jakarta Post [web site]
July 8, 2009
A quick count by the General Elections Commission (KPU) on Wednesday evening showed incumbent President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and running mate Boediono have a commanding lead in the presidential election, securing 60.72 percent of votes.
Megawati Soekarnoputri and her vice presidential running mate Prabowo Subianto were in second place with 29.67 percent, while Jusuf Kalla and Wiranto will likely come third with 9.62 percent.
As of 7.30 p.m, the KPU had received more than 4,000,000 votes from the Polling Stations Working Committees (KPPS) via short message service (SMS). (ewd)
-----------------------------------
Poised for reelection, Indonesia's president will face challenges in economy, corruption
The Christian Science Monitor
July 8, 2009
Early results show President Yudhoyono is heading for a decisive victory. He must manage a slowing economy and a fractured Parliament that will challenge reform.
By Simon Montlake, Correspondent
of The Christian Science Monitor
Bangkok, Thailand
Voters in Indonesia appear to have handed President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono a second five-year term, raising hopes for continuity in steering an underperforming economy and keeping a lid on ethnic and religious tensions.
Sample results tallied by private polling agencies point to a landslide for Mr. Yudhoyono in Wednesday's election. Around 30 percentage points separate Yudhoyono from former President Megawati Sukarnoputri, with Vice President Yusuf Kalla trailing even further behind. Neither opponent is likely to concede just yet, however, as official results won't be released for nearly three weeks.
For many observers, the main question has been the margin of victory. If the winner polls below 50 percent, he or she faces a runoff in September against the second-place candidate. That now seems unlikely as unofficial tallies put Yudhoyono between 58 and 61 percent, with Ms. Sukarnoputri between 26 and 28 percent.
In recent weeks, Yudhoyono's allies placed newspaper ads urging supporters to turn out Wednesday so that the country would save around $400 million by not staging a runoff vote. Mr. Kalla criticized the ads as inappropriate and said it was impossible to put a price on democracy.
Opinion polls showed Yudhoyono's lead barely faltered during months of campaigning that included three televised debates between the candidates. "It's clear that neither of his opponents could get any traction," says Jeffrey Winters, a politics professor at Northwestern University in Evanston, Ill.,
who is currently in Indonesia.
Yudhoyono is a retired Army general who served as security chief under Sukarnoputri before winning Indonesia's first-ever direct presidential election in 2004. He is known as a cautious, indecisive reformer who favors stability and moderation over radical changes.
Economy focus of campaign
Much of the campaign turned on promises to maintain economic growth and spread the benefits among Indonesia's 235 million people, scattered across thousands of islands.
This allowed Yudhoyono to highlight his benign economic stewardship and social programs that have put cash and subsidized rice in the hands of the poor. The economy is slowing, but hasn't felt the whiplash of crashing export demand that has sunk other Asian trading partners.
Islam, the majority faith in Indonesia, had a symbolic role in the campaign as the wives of Kalla and his running mate were featured prominently wearing head scarves. Neither Sukarnoputri nor Yudhoyono's wife wears one, a fact that Kalla's camp sought to spotlight, apparently to little effect.
By completing his first term, Yudhoyono is already Indonesia's third longest-serving leader after Sukarno, the first president after independence in 1945, and Army General Suharto, whose 32-year iron-fisted rule ended in violent unrest in 1998. The restoration of democracy brought more chaos and ethnic conflict, fanning fears of a breakup, but the country has since regained its equilibrium.
Yudhoyono won praise from the United States and other allies for containing Islamic militants who plotted the 2002 Bali bombings and other Al Qaeda-inspired attacks. But he's been less eager to take on intolerant Islamic agitators who oppose liberal interpretations of the faith. Critics say he may become more beholden to such views as his coalition in Parliament depends on Islamic-based parties.
Will Yudhoyono push reform?
A bigger question is Yudhoyono's ability to attract foreign investors to an economy that is rich in natural resources but plagued by corruption, threadbare infrastructure, and inept governance.
By choosing Finance Minister Boediono, a nonpartisan reformer, as his vice president, Yudhoyono has encouraged those seeking root-and-branch reforms of the judiciary and other institutions.
But Yudhoyono will be constrained in his second term by a fractured Parliament and other centers of power that mitigate reforms, particularly those that penalize powerful business elites.
"There's not necessarily much ground for optimism in faster reforms or significant improvements [during a second term]. He still seems to be accommodating multiple interests," says Kevin O'Rourke, an independent political analyst in Jakarta.
Yudhoyono has a strong image as a clean pair of hands in a country awash in corruption. But critics say his probity doesn't extend to his Democrat Party, the largest in Parliament. The party recently proposed legislation that would hobble an independent anticorruption agency that had begun to make headway
against rampant graft among politicians and bureaucrats.
In April, Indonesia's parliamentary elections were dogged by complaints over faulty voter rolls that excluded millions of potential voters. On Monday, the Constitutional Court ruled that unregistered voters could use an identity card to cast their ballot after a challenge from Kalla and Sukarnoputri. Over 176
million people were eligible to vote in Wednesday's election.
--------------------------------
Newsmaker-Yudhoyono to get new shot at reforming Indonesia
Ed Davies
JAKARTA, July 8 (Reuters) - Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, set for a second term, leaves few things to chance. So his encounter with a flying insect this week was one of the few unscripted and comical moments of his campaign.
Unlike his U.S. counterpart, Barack Obama, he didn't kill the bug. But palace officials rushed to the rescue, chasing after the offending insect and brandishing an aerosol as a discomforted Yudhoyono swatted at the air as he stood at the podium and waited to make his televised address.
Still, that Obama moment was probably the only uncomfortable one for the Javanese-born former general recently as opinion polls showed him well ahead of his rivals, Megawati Sukarnoputri and
Jusuf Kalla.
Now Yudhoyono, 59, has a chance to pick a cabinet of talented technocrats to build on the modest achievements of his first term -- sound economic management and efforts to tackle the corruption that permeates every level of Indonesian life – so that Indonesia can move up a gear in its economic growth.
As a leader, he likes to hear all views. Some see that as a weakness, leading to long, time-wasting meetings, while others consider it a strength, and a refreshing departure from the way Indonesian's previous presidents ran the country.
Just hours after polling stations closed, provisional counts showed Yudhoyono had won a resounding victory, a mandate that should make him more confident in a second term.
"Yudhoyono will always be more deliberative, but hopefully he will be more willing to take some risks," said Dewi Fortuna Anwar, a political analyst and once an adviser to former Indonesian President Habibie. Yudhoyono, who graduated top of class in 1973 at the military academy, spent his army years
under the rule of former strongman President Suharto. But while contemporaries suffered from charges of human rights violations, Yudhoyono was widely seen as clean.
DOCTORATE IN AGRICULTURE
He also has an academic side: he obtained a masters in management in the United States, has published several books and is one of the few presidents to hold a doctorate in agricultural economics.
With his keen interest in agricultural policy he has given his support to a couple of far-fetched projects -- producing energy from water and engineering a special strain of rice, both of which got scathing write-ups in the press -- although neither seemed to do him lasting damage.
Despite his often stiff demeanour, he possesses a common touch that has added to his appeal. Yudhoyono once ditched his official limousine for the back of an escort's motorcycle to beat a traffic jam, and isn't averse to crooning his own love ballads and religious songs.
His Democrat Party has about a quarter of the seats after April's parliamentary election, against only 7.5 percent of the vote in 2004, meaning there should be less need to hand out plum cabinet posts to politicians from coalition partners to ensure support in parliament.
"This is a very strong endorsement for Yudhoyono and will give him greater confidence and boldness to put together his new cabinet and determine policy," said Greg Fealy, an expert on Indonesian politics at the Australian National University.
He will also have to start thinking about succession planning, since his Democrat Party is built entirely around him and under Indonesian law, a president cannot run for more than two terms.
Already there's talk that one of his sons, Edhie Baskoro, who won a seat in parliament in April, the first lady Kristiani, and one of her brothers could be groomed as his successor.
Other candidates mooted from outside his family include his presidential spokesman, Andi Mallarengeng, and his finance minister, Sri Mulyani Indrawati. (Additional reporting by Sunanda Creagh and Olivia Rondonuwu; Editing by Sara Webb and Sugita Katyal)
--------------------------------
Indonesia May Achieve ‘Superstar’ Growth as Yudhoyono Triumphs
Arijit Ghosh and Daniel Ten Kate
July 9 (Bloomberg) -- President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono swept toward a second five-year term, receiving a strong mandate from Indonesia’s 176 million voters to take the country’s economy to new heights of growth.
Yudhoyono won 61 percent of votes in yesterday’s election, according to a sampling of nationwide ballots by the Indonesian Survey Institute, which correctly predicted previous contests. His share was also 61 percent in a preliminary count of 4 million votes by the General Election Commission.
Leveraging that victory into achieving his goal of growth rates on par with China and India will hinge on the ability to build roads, ports and power plants and lure foreign investment. To do so, he’ll have to overcome a bureaucracy where power is decentralized down to the district level across 17,500 islands.
“I would say a ‘definite yes’ in maintaining very solid economic growth, a ‘maybe yes’ to become the 9 percent superstar,” said Milan Zavadjil, Indonesia country head for the International Monetary Fund. “To go to the China level you need to take care of some issues, like major improvements in infrastructure, the investment climate and the legal system.”
Former President Megawati Soekarnoputri, 62, was running second with 26.6 percent, according to the institute. Vice President Jusuf Kalla, 67, trailed with about 12 percent. The commission won’t provide final results for about two weeks.
Yudhoyono, known better as ‘SBY,’ has pledged to double infrastructure spending to as much as $140 billion during a second term to achieve annual growth rates of 7 percent. The president will also need to tame the rupiah, Asia’s most volatile currency, to reduce investment risk. It has both plunged 40 percent and gained 19 percent within the past 12 months.
CEO Survey
Fixing Indonesia’s congested roads, neglected ports and aging power plants needs to be among Yudhoyono’s top priorities, according to nine of 11 chief executive officers contacted in the past month by Bloomberg News. He also needs to improve transparency in the legal system and reduce corruption to attract global investors, the survey found.
“Infrastructure development remains plagued by outdated or incomplete regulations that fall far short of attracting private investment,” said Sandiaga Uno, whose private equity firm PT Saratoga Investama Sedaya owns a stake in Indonesia’s second- largest coal mining company.
Indonesia ranked 86th out of 133 economies in terms of infrastructure quality in the World Economic Forum’s 2008 Global Competitive Index. That was lower than Pakistan, which faces almost daily attacks by terrorists, and Sri Lanka.
Dilapidated Ports
Poor access to markets and suppliers means higher expenses for Bernard Rohi, a trader in Ende, 1,700 kilometers (1,056 miles) east of Jakarta. Improving the dilapidated port would cut the cost of transporting ceramic goods by half, he said.
“The port can’t support economic development in the region,” said Rohi, as he sat in his shop surrounded by stacks of mattresses, crockery and television sets.
The rupiah is projected to have the biggest one-year price fluctuation among Asia’s 10 most-traded currencies. Twelve-month implied volatility, a measure of expected swings used when pricing options contracts, is 21 percent, compared with 16 percent for the South Korean won.
“Somebody has to eliminate the foreign-currency risk,” said James Castle, president of business advisory services company CastelAsia, who has lived in Indonesia for more than three decades. “Until they do, I don’t see a real rapid growth in infrastructure.”
Lagging Behind
While Indonesia received a record $8.3 billion in foreign direct investment last year, it lagged behind the $92 billion haul for China and $33 billion in India.
During her campaign, Megawati said Yudhoyono’s policies favored foreign investors at the expense of poor farmers. Almost 33 million Indonesians, or 14.2 percent of the population, live on less than $0.65 per day, down from 16.7 percent when Yudhoyono was elected in 2004. He had targeted cutting the poverty rate to 5.5 percent this year.
After raising fuel prices in 2005 and last year, Yudhoyono bolstered his popularity by giving 300,000 rupiah ($29) to 18.5 million poor families to offset the higher living costs. Since December he has cut gasoline and diesel prices three times.
The Jakarta Composite index has climbed 54 percent this year, third best in Asia behind benchmarks in Shanghai and Sri Lanka. The rupiah has strengthened the most on the continent in that time, gaining 8 percent against the dollar. The consumer confidence index in June rose to the highest since 2004.
A landslide victory will strengthen Yudhoyono’s hand in dismantling regulatory hurdles to keep pace with the BRIC nations of Brazil, Russia, India and China. His 7 percent growth goal compares with 5.7 percent since taking office in 2004.
“Our target is to put another ‘I’ into BRIC,” said Emil Salim, a presidential adviser and former cabinet minister. “Achieving that in five years is possible.”
----------------------------------------
Indonesia: An ‘in-danger’ state?
Jakarta
Thu, 07/09/2009 8:40 AM
Alexandra Retno Wulan
Opinion
Foreign Policy magazine just released its 2009 Failed States Index (FSI) in its July/August edition. Unsurprisingly, Indonesia is still listed in the second “worst” category — titled the “in-danger” list.
It might be true that this period of time has been a very fragile period for states throughout the globe. The virulent global financial crisis, natural disasters and government collapses, the most ubiquitous features.
However, it remains important to examine more deeply what went wrong and who is to blame for the “in-danger” status, especially as Indonesians have the chance to change this reputation in the presidential election.
Foreign Policy examined 12 indicators of state vulnerability that cover social, economic and political issues. The 12 indicators include demographic pressures, refugees/IDPs, group grievances, human flight, uneven development, economic decline, state legitimacy, public services, human rights, security apparatuses, factionalized elites and external intervention.
Each indicator is ranked on a scale of 0 to 10, with 10 representing the most vulnerable; hence the total score is on a scale of 0 to 120, with 0 being the most stable.
For the last five years, Indonesia’s total score has ranged from 83.3 to 89.2, thus, Indonesia has repeatedly been listed as “in-danger”. Indonesia scored 84.1 in the 2009 Failed States Index (FSI), but scored 83.3 last year and 87 in 2005.
In the social indicators, Indonesia’s population growth rate increased the demographic pressures rating from 7 to 7.3, additionally, a lack of substantial improvements in state policy regarding minority groups, such as the banning of Ahmadiyah, the anti-pornography law and the relations between the state and the indigenous people of West Papua, led to a higher ranking in the group grievances indicator, 6.5 this year from 5.9 in 2008.
In the economic indicators, Indonesia undoubtedly suffered from the global financial crisis. Thus, the rating for economic decline rose from 6.3 to 6.9. Additionally, the government seemed to fail to deal with uneven development. Despite the fact that the government has expanded its decentralization policies, Indonesia still has vast disparities between urban and rural development, as well as unequal development in Java and Bali in comparison to other islands.
This combination of factors certainly increased Indonesia’s rating for uneven development from 8 in the FSI 2008 to 8.1 in the FSI 2009.
In the political indicators, the most striking increases were in the factionalized elites and security apparatus categories. These indicators signify the potential failure of the government to ensure civilian supremacy due to lack of civilian capacity to manage security spheres, and the failure to develop a mature democracy in Indonesia.
Military reform in Indonesia has successfully taken place and the military has retracted from day-to-day politics. It is about time to start the military transformation period to ensure that the score for the security apparatus category eventually declines. Additionally, the commitment to increase the welfare of soldiers and assurances for a better weapons system for the armed forces (TNI) would contribute greatly to insulating the possible emergence of praetorian guards that serve the interest of regime.
Moving from the rank of 60 to 62 is indeed a positive step for Indonesia. However, the fact that Indonesia is still considered an “in-danger” state, at least since 2005, cannot be considered an achievement.
Much work is needed to successfully manage a volatile economy, sectarian strife, disparities in development, effective government and professional armed forces. It is important for Indonesians to cast their votes for a future leader that will be able to switch the status of Indonesia from an “in-danger” state to one of stability.
The writer is a researcher at the politics and international relations department, CSIS Jakarta.
--------------------------------------
New Order Influence Unlikely to Fade
The Jakarta Globe
Friday, July 10, 2009
Despite predictions that the current crop of political parties will seek young, fresh politicians untainted by the New Order regime to run in the next presidential election, analysts say the sentiment may amount to little more than wishful thinking.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who is widely expected to secure a second term after Wednesday’s poll, would be unable to run in 2014, 16 years after former dictator and kleptocrat
Suharto was forced from office, igniting flickers of hope that the country will finally shed itself of its destructive pre-1998 influences.
But Ikrar Nusa Bakti, a political analyst from the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), maintains that the influence of the old guard remains strong and very much a part of the fabric of today’s political parties and their leaders.
“Unless there are major internal reforms within the parties, it is highly unlikely that anything will change,” Ikrar said.
He said he feared the new batch of politicians elected into office during the nation’s first truly democratic legislative elections in April, would be tainted by the powerful influence of New Order-era politicians, particularly those who were close to Suharto and his former political vehicle, the Golkar Party.
“The new politicians are bound by the old rules, old ideologies and old systems; otherwise they will be excluded from their parties,” he said.
These senior politicians, he said, now held prominent and powerful positions in almost every political party, including not only Golkar, but new political parties that had managed to secure seats in the House of Representatives.
He singled out not only the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra) and the People’s Conscience Party (Hanura) — the political vehicles, respectively, of controversial former generals Prabowo Subianto and Wiranto, both former members of Golkar — but also Yudhoyono’s Democratic Party, which swept April’s elections.
Ikrar said, however, that although 32 years of oppression had weakened the nation after it emerged from the shackles of Dutch imperialism, the country was still maturing.
Andrinof Chaniago, a political expert at the University of Indonesia, said the climate had changed since the start of the reform era in 1998, and if parties wished to remain relevant they had to maneuver wisely.
“That’s why they need fresh faces, people who are seen as incorruptible and idealistic,” he said.
----------------------------------------
Inside Indonesia 97: July – Sept 2009
The elections were tense in Aceh but in the end helped to consolidate the peace process
April’s legislative elections may have seemed like business as usual in most of Indonesia, but in Aceh the poll was preceded by mysterious murders, widespread intimidation, and a series of arson attacks against party offices. There was also intense concern, both in Aceh and in Jakarta, about what the results would mean for Aceh’s peace process. In the end, although the shortcomings were many, widespread violence did not break out, there were no major disruptions on polling day, and the results mean that peace is likely to continue at least into the medium term.
The elections were an important part of the peace process which had put an end to a three-decade conflict between GAM (the Free Aceh Movement) and the Indonesian government. The Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) of August 2005 stipulated that local parties could be formed in Aceh to contest these elections, unlike in other parts of the country where only parties showing they have a broad nationwide presence are allowed to run. Former GAM members formed the ‘Aceh Party’ (Partai Aceh, or PA), and five other local parties were formed, to contest parliament seats at the district and provincial levels (but not seats in the national parliament, which were still reserved for national parties). The opportunity for GAM members to compete for political power without having to work through the national political parties was a vital part of the peace deal, since without this avenue to access power in Aceh GAM may have been unwilling to give up demands for independence.
The 2009 elections were actually the second stage of political inclusion of former combatants. The MoU had also mandated that independent candidates could contest local elections (for district heads and governor) held in Aceh in 2006 and 2007. Former GAM members or nominees won as governor and as district head in ten of 21 of Aceh’s districts. After these victories, it was widely anticipated that the Aceh Party would do well in 2009. The main other contender among the local parties was believed to be SIRA, the party of the deputy governor, which had a following particularly amongst post-1998 activists in the Aceh student movement.
Violence and intimidation
However, the lead-up to the 2009 elections was marred by heightened tensions and violence, and there was widespread intimidation during the campaign period. A number of party offices throughout the province became the target of arson, grenade attacks, and drive-by shootings, causing no fatalities but raising political tensions dramatically. The Aceh Party was the most frequent target. From September 2008 until April 2009 there were 32 such attacks, with 27 targeting Aceh Party offices, four targeting the offices of other local parties, and only one targeting the office of a national party.
There were also five mysterious murders of people associated with the Aceh Party or the KPA (the Aceh Transitional Committee), an organisation representing former GAM members. These murders were not solved quickly, and although some seem to have been related to economic competition rather than political grudges, they heightened tensions and augmented the image that cadres and supporters of the Aceh Party were oppressed.
Once the period of active campaigning began in March 2009, various forms of intimidation put pressure on both campaigners and voters. Many parties reported feeling ‘not brave enough’ to campaign in regions where GAM was traditionally strong, such as along the east coast. Party representatives explained that people tore down all non-PA posters and banners as soon as campaigners left PA base areas, and that they could not hope to get many votes in such places anyway as most of the people were loyal to PA. Those who were not, they said, were subject to intimidation by PA cadres warning them not to listen to other parties. Although all parties were assigned dates and locations to hold open rallies, in such PA-dominated areas very few parties used these rights. One election official described this situation by saying that in his district, ‘there was no democracy at all’.
In parts of the province where GAM had not been strong during the conflict period, it was PA supporters who felt intimidated. There were some reports of bureaucrats and military figures advising citizens to stay away from local parties. In the central highlands district of Bener Meriah, an event was held in February to remember victims of the ‘GAM separatist conflict’. According to a member of the SIRA party, the district head had spoken at the event, reminding locals not to vote for local parties as they were all GAM people. Flyers also circulated containing slogans meant to denigrate local parties, such as that Hasan Tiro (the supreme leader of GAM) had a Jewish wife and that he would sell all of Aceh’s natural resources to foreigners if PA won.
The five other local parties were caught in the middle, intimidated by both PA supporters who viewed PA as the only valid local party and by Indonesian nationalists who viewed all local parties as traitorous. In some locations PA supporters campaigned by spreading the word that PA was the only party that had signed the Helsinki MoU, and other local parties were therefore incapable of continuing the peace process and were stooges of Jakarta. From the other side, rumours circulated that all local parties would push for independence if elected, and that this would lead to a resumption of conflict. Several officials from a local party based on the east coast reported receiving three to four death threats per day by text message throughout the campaign period. They shared the opinion that there was no democracy in this election.
Results
Election day passed with relatively few reported incidents. However there were allegations that order and security at voting booths was poor in some areas. In areas with strong PA support it was claimed that PA supporters gathered near the booths and pressured voters, and that many polling booth officials were loyal PA supporters. In areas with low levels of support for GAM in the past, it was local parties which claimed there was intimidation towards their supporters at the booths.
The results were counted behind schedule, and many allegations of fraud in the counting process emerged, although most were small scale. Results at the provincial and district levels showed a clear victory for the Aceh Party, which won 33 of 69 seats in Aceh’s provincial parliament, plus a majority of seats in seven of Aceh’s district parliaments (of which there are now 23 due to administrative changes since 2006). In another nine districts, PA got between 20 per cent and 36 per cent of seats, a minority but more than any other party got. The remaining seven districts were very fractured, won by national parties (PD and Golkar) but with seats split between many parties.
Aside from PA, the big winner in Aceh was Partai Demokrat (PD), the party of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. PD won six of the 13 Aceh seats in the national parliament, but also did well at the provincial and district levels, taking second place behind PA at provincial level and coming first or second in many districts.
These results show strong support for the peace process. PD got votes in areas where it did not campaign at all, with many voters seemingly voting for PD as a show of their appreciation for the peace process organised under the president’s direction. Even though presidential candidate Jusuf Kalla was also instrumental in achieving peace in Aceh, his Golkar party did not receive a windfall of support as did PD, perhaps because of ongoing distrust towards the party which was in power during many of the conflict years. While the success of the Aceh Party clearly shows this party enjoys wide support, from interviews in the field it appears that some voted for PA not because they had supported GAM’s struggle for independence in the past but more in the hopes that a PA victory was the best method of securing the peace for the future.
Local parties other than PA did not fare well. PDA (the Aceh Sovereignty Party) was the only local party other than PA to get into the provincial parliament, with a single seat. At the district level, local parties other than PA obtained far fewer seats than they had hoped. Of the total 645 seats in the 23 district parliaments, PDA got 11 seats, SIRA got seven, PBA (the Aceh Unity Party) got four, PRA (the Aceh People's Party) got two, and PAAS (the Prosperous and Safe Aceh Party) did not get any. Election regulations stipulate that local parties must get at least five per cent of seats in the provincial parliament, or five per cent of seats in half of the district parliaments, in order to be able to contest the 2014 elections. Of the six local parties, only PA exceeded this threshold, and thus the other five will not be involved in the next elections.
Female candidates did not fare well in this election in Aceh. While many women were recruited in order to meet the stipulated 30 per cent quota for each party, the majority of these candidates did not earn enough individual votes to be elected. This was related to several factors. Some of these female candidates were inexperienced politicians recruited merely to achieve the quota, and did not campaign actively. Additionally, many voters in Aceh still see men as more appropriate for leadership roles. As one male official from a (non-Islamic) national party told me: ‘the world was created for men, women cannot be leaders…women cannot think rationally for one week per month, so how could they make decisions?’
PA and PD, the two big winners, stood out amongst the other parties in that their supporters tended to vote for the party in general, not for a particular candidate. Votes for other parties tended to be cast for particular candidates rather than for the party. This is related to campaigning styles. PA deliberately emphasised party solidarity, with candidates campaigning together. Candidates of other parties usually campaigned individually and competed with each other for seats. Also, PA candidates generally lacked private wealth with which they could run individual campaigns. PD probably received mostly party votes because in many cases voters were not swayed by a particular PD candidate, but rather wanted to make a general statement of support for SBY’s role in achieving peace in Aceh.
Conflict resolution?
The election suffered from many failings, including intimidation, lack of freedom to campaign, mysterious violence, and allegations of fraud. Yet as a post-conflict election, it was not a failure. It does not seem that the final tally massively misrepresents the will of the people, and PA’s success in this election means that large-scale conflict is very unlikely to resume in the short to medium term. Former GAM supporters now have the chance to pursue their goals through the extensive power they wield in the executive and legislative branches of local government.
However, challenges remain. The transition from a military movement to a political one with democratic processes reaching down to grassroots level has not yet been completed. Some PA members may have difficulty in adjusting to the challenges of legislative work, and tensions may rise if PA legislators find their policy goals thwarted by administrative procedures or by opposition within parliament.
Will the new PA legislators manage to change the way local parliaments are run, using their pro-poor stance to reduce corruption and incompetence, or will they eventually operate just like the political elites they have long criticised? Those former GAM members who won executive positions a few years ago are facing challenges of their own, with several district heads being investigated for corruption.
One of PA’s main policy goals is to struggle for full implementation of the Helsinki MoU, which they say was watered down in the Law on Governing Aceh of 2006. Their struggle to revise old laws and to produce new ones in order to do this is likely to cause significant tensions between the Aceh parliament and the national parliament, and also within the Aceh parliament itself. If these tensions can be dealt with through democratic process with good will from all sides, then democracy in Aceh will have played its role in establishing peace.
Blair Palmer (blair.palmer@anu.edu.au) is a PhD candidate in Anthropology at the Australian National University, and conducted research on conflict and elections in Aceh for a study being conducted jointly by the World Bank’s Conflict and Development Program and Syiah Kuala University’s Center for Peace and Conflict Resolution Studies. The views in this article are those of the author rather than of the institutions conducting the study.
-------------------------------------
SBY's Victory Unfavorable For Aceh, NGO Says
The Jakarta Post
Saturday, July 11, 2009
Hotli Simanjuntak
A civil society group in Aceh has said Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's re-election will place the Acehnese people in an unfavorable position.
The groups say that while Yudhoyono's victory is a sign peace will prevail in Aceh, it will not help Acehnese people prosper or protect their identity, which they have held closely to.
"This means that the Acehnese people have been totally integrated into the national political mainstream.
This is part of political reintegration which is in line which the national political system," said Juanda Jamal, secretary of the Consortium of New Aceh in Banda Aceh on Friday.
Juanda said that implementing the peace treaty in Aceh had been done so ideally, so much so that the underlying issues related to the sustainability of peace were no longer relevant and would
not be considered at the national level.
Besides that, Aceh would loose political bargaining power due to the different political character of the Acehnese people from other provinces.
Juanda expressed fear that during Yudhoyono's next term, the Acehnese people would no longer get special privileges and that issues in Aceh, including sensitive issues related to peace and development would be handled similarly to those in other provinces in Indonesia.
Sensitive issues related to the peace process would be regarded as a regional, and no longer a national issue, he said.
Of particular sensitivity are human rights issues, particularly the pending establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (KKR). Despite the fact that in accordance with the Helsinki MoU and Aceh administrative Law No. 11/2006 the commission should have been established years ago, its formation
remains in doubt.
"An issue like this would not be important for Indonesia if the Aceh administration is unable to negotiate with the central government," Juanda said.
Political observers have raised doubts that the Aceh administration will be able to negotiate with the government given its poor performance over the past few years, especially under the leadership of Irwandi Yusuf, a former GAM leader.
Juanda cited the issuance of the Qanun local ordinances in relation with issues on the KKR and Human Rights Court in Aceh, according to Aceh political observer Otto Syamsuddin Ishak.
He expressed pessimism that Yudhoyono would work to resolve the underlying human rights issues related with to the implemantation of the Helsinki MoU and Aceh Administrative Law, and expressed concern Yudhoyono's administration would later try to make the KKR issue a local concern.
------------------------------------
A Grateful SBY Salutes People of ‘New Era’ Aceh
The Jakarta Globe
Thursday, August 6, 2009
Nurdin Hasan
Banda Aceh. A triumphant Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono returned to Aceh on Wednesday for the sixth time as president, after having won an astonishing 93.22 percent of the vote in the province during last month’s presidential polls.
He told a crowd of 2,500 at the opening of the 5th Aceh Cultural Week that the province was entering a new era after lifting itself out of the devastation of the 2004 earthquake and tsunami and the 30 years of bloody conflict between guerillas of the now-defunct Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and the Indonesian Armed Forces.
Yudhoyono said that with the help of friendly countries, Aceh had emerged from conflict and disaster a stronger and better province.
“We come to Aceh in a different situation than, perhaps, 15 or 10 years ago,” Yudhoyono said. “A new era Aceh, a post-conflict Aceh, which, God willing, will be more peaceful, more just and more prosperous.”
However, he said there was still work to be done in rebuilding Aceh following the tsunami, reintegrating former guerillas back into society and revamping the provincial economy by revitalizing various development sectors to create jobs and prosperity.
“Do not waste this golden opportunity and the chance to build Aceh toward a better future,” the president said. “God willing, I will be able to maintain your trust in my ability to move Aech and Indonesia forward.”
Aceh Governor Irwandi Yusuf said during the opening ceremony of the event that the tsunami had accelerated the realization of peace in the province.
“Now, Aceh wants to open up even wider,” he said. “I appeal to Mr. President to provide greater access to the outside world, for foreign nationals to come and see the progress of Aceh.”
“Now that Aceh is no longer a conflict zone, we want to be just like Jakarta and Bali, with the door open as wide as possible for other citizens of the world to come here,” Irwandi said.
------------------------------------------
Golkar Can't Be Written Off Just Yet
The Straits Times (Singapore)
Monday, July 13, 2009
John McBeth, Senior Writer
WELFARE Minister Aburizal Bakrie is almost certain to take over the chairmanship of Golkar from defeated presidential candidate and Vice-President Jusuf Kalla. Mr Bakrie has ambitious plans to
revive the former ruling party.
Party sources say the business tycoon wants to raise as much as 1 trillion rupiah (S$144 million) to build a new headquarters and conference centre for the party and has promised a major revamp of its leadership with a slimmed-down central board.
He is likely to hold out for only two or three seats in President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's new Cabinet, seeing overall representation as secondary to the more important task of getting ministers to adhere to party policies.
While there is little doubt that Golkar will rejoin the coalition, Mr Bakrie will have to overcome opposition from Mr Kalla's supporters.
The tycoon's public image has been badly tarnished by his drilling company's involvement in the East Java mud-volcano disaster and the political pressure that was applied last year in an effort to bail out his tottering Bumi Resources flagship. That may force him to step carefully, given Dr Yudhoyono's
aversion to conflicts of interest and a growing media awareness of the insidious relationship between politics and business.
Golkar, once former president Suharto's all-powerful political machine, secured only 14.4 per cent of the vote in the April legislative elections, an alarming slide from the 21.5 per cent it won in 2004. It remains in second place behind Dr Yudhoyono's Democratic Party, but its worst-ever showing has raised new
questions about whether it can arrest the decline - or will lapse into irrelevance.
Mr Bakrie already claims to have received signed letters of support from the heads of 380 of Golkar's 490 branches, enough for him to win the chairmanship unopposed. The party's election rules state that a candidate must be nominated by at least 150 chapters.
After surprisingly losing his seat in the legislative elections, House Speaker Agung Laksono is likely to be appointed either deputy chairman or secretary-general of the party, with former chairman Akbar Tandjung becoming head of its board of advisers. Mr Bakrie's only other rival appears to be current advisory board chairman Suryah Paloh, a Kalla ally.
Mr Paloh and his Indonesian Democratic Party – Struggle counterpart (PDI-P), Mr Taufik Kiemas, have sought on several occasions to bring the two parties into an alliance, even though it makes little sense in today's political climate.
The ultimate responsibility for Golkar's decline rests with Mr Kalla himself for the way he allowed his vice-presidential duties to distract him from the necessary task of rebuilding the party. That won't be repeated under Mr Bakrie, who is not seeking a return to Dr Yudhoyono's Cabinet. In fact, party
leaders are now revaluating the wisdom of having a significant number of ministers.
'Experience has shown that they simply became extensions of the President and drifted away from the party,' says one senior legislator. 'That's because the party itself was adrift, without any guidance or direction.'
Mr Akbar's fixation with Cabinet representation was his undoing in 2004. When Dr Yudhoyono appeared vague in his promises prior to the second-round run-off, the Golkar leader unwisely took the bait of eight seats offered by PDI-P leader Megawati Sukarnoputri.
What has concerned Golkar in particular is the way voters appear to have credited only Dr Yudhoyono for the achievements of his government, though Mr Kalla was the main driving force on several major issues.
The Vice-President was a key player in the signing of the historic 2005 Aceh peace agreement, for example. But Dr Yudhoyono appears to have won a stunning 94 per cent of the province's vote in the presidential elections.
While Mr Kalla's position made it difficult for Golkar politicians to attack the government for its shortcomings, the Democrats capitalised on the advantages of the incumbency, including a fortuitous drop in oil prices and cash handouts to the poor.
It would be unwise to write off Golkar just yet. In fact, the irony is that unlike the Democrats, its strong institutional framework may leave it better positioned for the future than its election showing suggests.
It has 15 million card-carrying members - including about 40 per cent of Indonesia's 398 district chiefs and 93 mayors - and a network of party-owned provincial and district headquarters across the country.
It may also be blessed by the fact that it does not rely on a single charismatic leader, like the Democrats' Dr Yudhoyono or PDI-P's Ms Megawati. In other words, it is a horse waiting for the right jockey.
The two other parties will have to reinvent themselves over the next five years, with Dr Yudhoyono allowed only two terms and Ms Megawati likely to fade from the scene.
Now that memories of its role in Suharto's 32-year rule have faded, Golkar has been able to attract a number of young, well-educated professionals into its ranks. And when Mr Bakrie gets down to the business of rebuilding the party, he will be receiving help from a team of youthful lawmakers who lost in the April elections, but know better than most what needs to be done.
thane.cawdor@gmail.com
-----------------------------------
PDI-P In Need Of Fresh New Leader
The Jakarta Post
Monday, July 13, 2009
Dicky Christanto
Party stalwarts and political analysts agree now is the right time for the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) to conduct a serious evaluation of its internal management.
The evaluation will include grooming new potential leaders to replace chairwoman Megawati Soekarnowati following a series of election losses.
“Although we are now still focusing on finding evidence of polling violations from the presidential election, we are also concerned about the party’s future, including grooming new leaders and evaluating the party’s internal management following the losses,” Cahyo Kumolo chairman of the PDI-P at the House of Representatives, said Sunday.
“We’re going to discuss that at the upcoming leaders’ meeting.”
However, he admitted that with regard to a new leader, the party could not see anyone other than Megawati who could galvanize the trust of the party’s grass roots.
“To be honest, we still have no idea who would be appropriate to replace Megawati right now,” he said.
The PDI-P nominated Megawati as its presidential candidate in the 2004 and 2009 presidential elections, both of which she lost.
Another PDI-P executive, Eva Kusuma Sundari, concurred on Megawati’s importance to the party, saying she was considered the only person who could unite the dozens of different interest groups within the party.
“However, I realize we can’t rely solely on Megawati as chairwoman forever. But we will still need her to closely monitor the party,” she told The Jakarta Post.
“Megawati can become the party’s chief patron, while at the same time a fresh yet capable figure leads the way as the party’s new head.”
University of Indonesia political analyst Maswadi Rauf said the PDI-P should have replaced Megawati after she lost her re-election bid in 2004.
“Finding a new leader remains the party’s biggest task,” he said.
“The party should do this whether it likes it or not, because this will be the only way it can survive in the next few years.”
A source from the party told the Post it was actually the PDI-P secretary-general, Pramono Anung, who had been next in line for the chair; however, a series of losses in recent regional elections had led to a lack of faith in his performance.
“It’s Pramono and Puan Maharani, Megawati’s daughter, who were being groomed as the next chairman and secretary-general, but then the recent losses changed everything,” said the source, speaking on condition of anonymity.
“I’ve now heard that even Maruarar Sirait is putting himself forward to be the party’s leader.” Maruarar is one of the members of the PDI-P’s central executive board.
Eva criticized the board, which she said was largely responsible for the recent slew of losses.
----------------------------------------
The Jakarta Post
Wednesday, August 5, 2009
The outgoing 2004-2009 House of Representatives has largely been criticized for its underperformance and the corrupt behavior of its members. Now that parliament members have less than three months before they end their five-year term in late September, what can we expect from an institution with a tarnished image? Can they meet their initial target and promises to pass a number of key bills?
Most of the public are apparently skeptical about the willingness of House members, especially those who will no longer sit in the next 2009-2014 House, to complete their unfinished obligations. Now it is up to the legislators to prove whether the public suspicion is right or wrong.
It is perhaps not too much of an exaggeration to say that the House has apparently lost steam from its initial commitment to complete the deliberation of all 282 draft laws. As its term draws to an end, there are 84 draft laws still in the pipeline, including the much anticipated corruption bill and the controversial and draconian state secrecy bill.
Take the corruption bill for example. Should the current House membership fail to complete its deliberation and pass it by the end of its term in late September, all anticorruption drives - championed by the much respected Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) - may end up in a stalemate as the much-needed Corruption Court, as required by the Law No. 30/2002 on the Corruption Eradication Commission, is not yet in existence. Meanwhile, the Constitutional Court has set the deadline for the
establishment of the Court for the end of December this year.
As a consequence, all anticorruption drives in the future will be at stake as all data, information and evidence gathered by the KPK, which will be against people charged with corruption, will prove to be useless unless the Corruption Court is functioning.
In contrast to the corruption bill, however, there has been increasing demand that the outgoing House membership does not rush the deliberation of the state secrecy bill and should postpone its endorsement until the next House, due to several controversial articles that threaten the freedom of expression and the freedom of opinion, including the freedom of the press to obtain data and information from government offices and officials. Should the outgoing House be determined to complete its deliberation, it is widely expected that those articles will be omitted or rewritten so as not to jeopardize the democratic principles the nation had long fought for.
As far as the time limit is concerned, people in general are in doubt whether the outgoing House membership can and will have the strong will to finish the deliberation of the remaining draft laws upon learning that only one third of the some 550 House members have been re-elected to serve in the parliament from 2009 to 2014. The rest will no longer serve in the next House, either because they have failed to meet the minimum threshold to be re-elected or they have reached the maximum
mandatory term of membership, internally regulated by their respective political parties.
Time is running out for the outgoing House members as it is very likely they will be able to finish deliberating all 84 draft laws they had previously targeted. Such a huge task is like Mission Impossible for them and they will surely be far from accomplished. The only reasonable thing for them to do is to put the highest priority on urgent draft laws, such as the corruption bill, and delay endorsing the controversial ones, like the state secrecy bill.
As American author and motivational speaker Zig Ziglar says: It's not the situation, but whether we react *negative* or respond *positive* to the situation that is important."
-----------------------------------
Indonesia: President’s New Term Should Focus on Human Rights
Human Rights Watch
August 6, 2009
(New York) - Indonesia's recently re-elected president, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, should undertake comprehensive measures to address persistent human rights problems, Human Rights Watch said in a letter today. In the letter, Human Rights Watch makes specific recommendations on the issues of corruption, military business, impunity, religious freedom, freedom of expression, the situation in Papua, and child domestic workers.
Some major reforms during Yudhoyono's first term addressing military business, corruption and accountability have lost steam. For instance, the Anti-Corruption Court, established in 2004, could cease to exist if legislation regarding the court is not passed by September 30. The government has also failed to prosecute senior military commanders for atrocities committed in Aceh and East Timor.
"President Yudhoyono had some successes on human rights in his first term, but he needs to make sure those reforms really stick," said Elaine Pearson, deputy Asia director at Human Rights Watch. "The time is ripe to address areas where reforms have been bogged down, such as the military, corruption and impunity."
Human Rights Watch also expressed concern about rising religious intolerance, particularly against the Ahmadiyah, a religious minority now banned in Indonesia, and the continuing use of criminal laws to repress freedom of expression. The Human Rights Watch letter urged Indonesia, as a party to the major human rights treaties, to live up to its international legal obligations.
"Indonesia should take its obligations under international treaties seriously and this means protecting the rights of marginalized groups, whether they are religious minorities, child domestic workers or Papuans," Pearson said. "President Yudhoyono could make human rights his legacy and be a role model for other emerging democracies."
-----------------------------------------------
When every politician wants to smell the scent of power
The Jakarta Post
Monday, August 10, 2009
Bahtiar Effendy
It may be true that in Indonesia the root of political opposition is shallow. Even though one can always argue that in the old days the Javanese, the largest ethnic group in the country, were accustomed to stage a pepe (to stand or seat outside under the shining sun) as a symbol of protest or opposition to the ruler, this tradition has not seemed to have had a great impact on Indonesia's modern political history. The trace of such "oppositional politics" remains only a historical account, which is often narrated, but has no real meaning whatsoever in the country's political construct.
For more than six decades of the nation's political journey, it was only briefly that Indonesians witnessed the existence of political opposition. Oppositionalism became an integral part of the country's day- to- day politics when a democratic parliamentarian system of government was practiced from 1950 to 1957 (or 1959 if someone would like to include the period of transition from constitutional democracy to guided democracy).
During this period, oppositional politics served as the only possible way to ensure that executive power was constitutionally checked and balanced by the parliament. Regardless of its democratic merit, the history books appear to see oppositional politics in a less favorable way. The experience of the1950s
will always be seen as a time of ineffective politics characterized mainly by the rise and fall of governments that were unable to govern.
Both Sukarno and Soeharto saw opposition as a source of ineffectiveness. In their view, it served as a hurdle to stability and development. This perception was by no means surprising as both of these presidents had no interest in democracy, let alone allowing their executive power to be checked and balanced by opposing parties in the parliament and beyond.
Under these circumstances, it is safe to say that oppositional politics was hampered by the inability of Sukarno and Soeharto to appreciate democracy. But democracy does not always function as a sufficient condition for oppositional politics to grow. Democracy may serve as a necessary condition for the politics of opposition to develop, but its existence is very much dependent on the calculation of its practitioners.
In the last 10 years, the practice of our day-to-day politics seems to have supported such a premise. When the country (re)embarked on its second democratic journey, there was an inherent perception - or even hope - the politics of opposition would be an integral part of the new game.
It was not the case! To the surprise of many, every political party wanted so much to smell the scent of power. Likewise, the winning factions were also willing to share a bit of their power with others. This was what we saw when Abdurrahman Wahid grabbed the executive power entrusted on him by the parliament in October 1999.
He accommodated the interests of many parties, even small ones like the Justice Party, and awarded them with at least one post in his Cabinet.
Abdurrahman's presidency provided a vivid example that democracy did not necessarily require oppositional politics in its normal or regular sense. Opposition to his regime grew only when his leadership did not appear to be in line with the interest of all parties, but his own. In fact many thought his policy choices contradicted the laws of the land.
Megawati's presidency from July 2001 to September 2004 followed suit. She accommodated the interests of all important parties in the parliament to a point where oppositional politics was simply
nonexistent or impossible to be carried out.
It was President Yudhoyono's first term that actually gave us a proof that partisan politics did not actually have a tradition for an oppositional politics. Right after the 2004 general elections, an attempt was made to design a bipolar oppositional politics in order to secure the leadership in parliament -
Nation Coalition versus People Coalition.
It did not last long. Soon after the selection of leadership in the parliament was completed, the coalition forces collapsed. The Nation Coalition, comprised mainly of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and Golkar, which was expected to oppose the Yudhoyono leadership, broke up when the Golkar leadership changed hands from Akbar Tandjung to Jusuf Kalla - Yudhoyono's vice president. With that the PDI-P became a lone and lame oppositional duck in parliament.
Yudhoyono's second term seems to have provided even stronger proof that oppositional politics is really not an option for the majority of Indonesian politicians. Everybody wants a bit of power - primarily in the executive branch of the government. A powerful faction within the PDI-P, which had placed itself as an
opposition party throughout Yudhoyono's first term, suddenly showed a willingness to be part of his second term.
Golkar, which was a partner to Yudhoyono, but was plunged into an unpleasant situation when Vice President Kalla was nominated as the party's candidate in the 2009 presidential election, also showed interest in joining Yudhoyono's second term. This will only become a reality should Aburizal Bakrie succeed Jusuf Kalla in the upcoming Golkar congress.
With all other parties, especially Islamic parties, having already joined Yudhoyono's political bandwagon, in theory there will be no oppositional forces in parliament. The fact that Yudhoyono is also continuously being encouraged or spin-doctored not to bow to the interest of his political partners and to give
cabinets posts to professionals, this will reduce further the oppositional forces or the potential of in both the parliament and society.
Given that perspective, perhaps it is true that Indonesia is indeed - in Soepomo's term - an integralistic state, where power should be distributed consociationally to avoid havoc or bickering - a different word for opposition.
The writer is a professor of political science at the State Islamic University (UIN), Jakarta.
--------------------------------------
KPU Prepares Final House Seat Distribution
Antara
August 10, 2009
The General Elections Commission will meet later this week to prepare for the final stage of the seat distribution in the House of Representatives according to the results of the April legislative election.
“We will meet to discuss that agenda, hopefully this week,” Andi Nurpati, a member of the commission, also known as the KPU, said on Monday.
The third and final stage of the House seat distribution, which is based on a ruling by the Constitutional Court, could not commence any earlier as the commission is waiting on a vote recount in a number of districts including: South Nias, North Sumatra Province; Batam, Riau Islands; Rokan Hulu, Riau; Musi
Rawas, South Sumatra; and Tulang Bawang in Lampung .
Andi said that only Tulang Bawang had not yet started the recount, but planned to do so on Aug. 26.
He said the final stage of House seat distribution would be concluded before the lawmakers for the next term were sworn in on Oct. 1.
“We initially agreed to conclude this soon after the presidential election, but during the last 10 days we have been concentrating on preparing evidence for election disputes in the court,” Andi said.
The Constitutional Court ordered the commission to follow the Legislative Election Law that requires a third round of seat distribution if there are vacant House seats after the second stage of the distribution.
The third round can involve a complex calculation and the removal of smaller parties from seats in some instances.
The court ruling has forced the KPU to conduct a recount that has caused a major change in the previous distribution results.
Andi said the commission was still undecided about whether they would invite representatives from parties to witness the final distribution process.
“We will decide later whether witnesses must be present or we just hold it in a closed-door session because all we do is to follow orders from the Constitutional Court,” he said.
-----------------------------------------
Court may order revotes in some areas
The Jakarta Post
Tuesday, August 11, 2009
Two defeated presidential candidates, Megawati Soekarnoputri and Jusuf Kalla, may stand to win part of their lawsuit at the Constitutional Court, the verdict of which is due to be announced Wednesday, says a political expert.
Sebastian Salang of the Indonesian Parliamentary Watchdog (Formappi) said there was a chance for the two defeated presidential candidates to win their election dispute case.
“The losing teams do have some solid proof regarding violations in several provinces. I am sure the Constitutional Court will rule in favor of holding election reruns in those provinces,” he said.
If the provinces in question are in Java, then it could be a significant blow to Yudhoyono’s real vote tally, Sebastian said.
“On the other hand, if those regions affected happen to be in Sumatra and Papua, then it will not be very significant in terms of reducing Yudhoyono’s total vote count.
“However, I want to stress here that the issue is not the significance of the tallies. The issue is the fulfillment of the people’s constitutional right to vote. So if there were violations, even if they were in less significant regions, the Constitutional Court must order an election rerun, and such a ruling must be obeyed,” Sebastian said.
Megawati Soekarnoputri from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle and Jusuf Kalla from the Golkar Party have deemed that the election was flawed because of massive violations that took place before and during the balloting day.
Meanwhile, other political analysts opined there was no way for the two defeated presidential candidates to have the presidential election repeated because they lacked evidence to back up their claims.
They claimed that violations, mainly in the mismanagement of the electoral roll, had cost them some 28 million votes, which in the end went in favor of incumbent President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono of the Democratic Party. Yudhoyono won the election by obtaining some 60 percent of the vote. The law stipulates that a candidate who garners more than 50 percent of the votes is automatically nominated the winner.
“Those candidates do not have authentic proof, quantity-wise or quality-wise. It is going to be very hard for the Constitutional Court to rule in their favor,” an expert from the Center for Electoral Reforms, Refly Harun, told reporters in Jakarta on Monday.
“Jusuf Kalla’s claim is the weakest. His team said Kalla had gained more votes than Megawati during the election, making him eligible to challenge Yudhoyono in a second round of the presidential election. However, strong evidence has yet to emerge from his team to back up their claims,” Refly added.
During the election Kalla garnered around 12 percent of the votes, while Megawati took around 25 percent.
“It is not going to be an easy task for Megawati either. Her team have continually gone over and over the issue of electoral roll mismanagement, without any significant, solid proof that all of the votes missing due to the mismanagement would have gone to Megawati,” Refly said.
Fachry Ali of the University of Indonesia told The Jakarta Post that the Constitutional Court would likely order a rerun of the presidential election if Megawati and Kalla presented strong evidence that they had lost 28 million votes because of massive and systemic electoral roll manipulation.
“Constitutional Court chief Mahfud MD has said Megawati’s team needs to be able to prove all of the missing votes would have gone to their candidate. In my opinion, it is going to be very difficult for them to do so,” he said.
The head of Megawati’s advocacy team, Arteria Dahlan, said his camp were preparing several alternatives should the Constitutional Court reject their case. (hdt)